Robert Ramalho is Lawyer, Public Relations and Journalist. Email: Blog: democratic Experiences of regimes sufficiently had been limited lived for the Greeks with the Athenian democracy, and for the Romans at the time of the republic. However, the existing Athenian democracy in the old city-state of Atenas although to show considerable advances in relation to the current standards, it did not offer to conditions of equality and freedom for all. The women were inferior to the men, the slavery if constitua in one of them pillars of sustentation of the local economy, and had one strong division of different form of being able enter the Athenian citizens of the masculine seio. Exactly thus, Slon, Athenian governor, in the year of 594 A.C, established a series of reforms in the social, economic sectors and politicians, transforming innumerable citizens peasants into prosperous proprietors of its lands, making to participate them of the government through the division of public offices. It is exactly in this direction that the incipient Athenian democracy commits its bigger sin: to divide the power in terms of division of the wealth. During the validity of the Roman republican system, also same having and subsistindo one limited control of the people the governing of the time, we cannot consider the government form as a democracy. However, of any form the Republic Roman had its favor the fact to have established the legal equality between the free classrooms, and considered a new Senate as one of the basic institutions of the effective system, as well as the Popular Assemblies and the Magistracy, something unimaginable during the form of monarchic government.
In its workmanship Politics, Aristotle if worries about the happiness collective of the plis. In this manner, it is task of it, of the politics, to investigate and to discover which are the forms of government and the institutions capable to assure the collective happiness. It is treated, therefore, to investigate the constitution of the state. Plato, its workmanship Dialogues, in turn, believed that they existed the Prince
Walnut goes to affirm, that these two forms of participation, goes to be much more in tune with the proletariat and with the popular layers of what with the bourgeoisie. The author inserts them in a dimension daily pay? politics, but not irrelevant or inferior, therefore these would serve of mold for the associativismo? participativo model beyond horizontes corporative? that it would advance of meeting to the models inserted politicians-participativos in the State. The third type, would be the electoral participation, that if projects in the field politician. It is a participativo model, where the citizen supposedly would be not ripened, affirming not only in relation proper itself, but also in relation to all the collective. It weaves a critical one to this type of participation, for limiting the envolvement of the citizen, and for many times to cause frustrations that could result in despolitizao. the last great group, would be the participation politics, that would serve of complement, however surpassing in importance collective in such a way the electoral participation how much the corporative one. According to Walnut, For intermediary of the participation politics, individuals and groups they intervene to make with that differences and interests if explicitem in a common land organized by laws and institutions, as well as making with that the power if democratizes and either shared. this participation, in short, that it consolidates, protects and dinamiza the citizenship and all varied the right human beings.
The present article has as objective to carry through a literature survey that approaches the question of the informal work in the economy. It is intended to point the concepts, characteristics and peculiarities of this modality of work according to different identified theoretical perspectives in pertinent literature. This quarrel if shows excellent, since the advance of the Neoliberalismo from the decade of 1980 provoked unfoldings on the world of the work, revealing between its some aspects, a trajectory of growth of the informality in the work relations. The work contemplates, beyond this introduction, one second session in which is analyzed the three main theoretical chains that approach the informality of the work relations, as well as the new expressions assumed for this phenomenon in the contemporaneidade. The text is locked up with the final consideraes regarding the considered subject.
Already in the modern theory where Maquiavel if detaches, democracy is a republic form where the regimen of popular government is called republic and not democracy. The conception of democracy has left of the estimated one of the guarantee of basic rights as the rights of press, religion, thought freedom, of meeting, among others. Benjamin Constant, in the speech ' ' The compared freedom of the old ones with the one of modernos' ' , it emphasized that the freedom must be promoted and be developed through the body politician who if translates the assembly of the citizens. But, that a danger that is the freedom in fact, to the point of the citizen exists not to want more to participate of the power politician. Constant (C1985, p.6) says that ' ' The danger of the modern freedom is where, absorbed for the joy of private independence and in the search of particular interests, let us renounce our right too much easily to participate of the power poltico.' ' Thus being, the obligatoriness starts to be a resource for the functioning of the democracy. It can seem ambiguous, but the freedom necessary politics to be molded in way to become the participativa democracy, such needs to submit all the citizens to the examination of its interests for the power. The power that in the old one it formulates liberal emanates of the people for the people, can be understood in ironic way: the people as the set of the citizens of a country inside chooses some of of the nation assuming the power leading politician of the State, but to the representative installed being legally legal the elect one starts to have to be able it differentiates that it of chose that it, the majority of the people alone will take ownership of the again at any given time historical power.