It is known of the importance in the efetivao of the public politics to the special carriers of necessities, and to recognize them is ' ' to make diferena' ' in the process to include. From this the question that permeia this research is: Which the public politics of inclusion of the individuals with necessities special in the Rio Grande Do Sul? Under such perspective this study they have as objective to know which they are the public politics of inclusion of the individuals with necessities special in the Rio Grande Do Sul, identifying what the State offers in the areas of the intersetoriais public politics for the inclusion of INE in the social context. METHODOLOGY Is about a theoretical reflection carried through in the database of Scientific Electronic Library Online (SCIELO) in the period of 2007 the 2011 and in the normative ones, you would carry and laws that prevail in the attention to the INE. On such aspect, Wazlawick (2009), it detaches that the bibliographical revision is a knowledge area or aspect of a knowledge area that if desires to investigate and to develop, thus can be said that it is the area in which if it goes to work. In the SCIELO, they had been used following the word-key: public politics and inclusion, being that as inclusion criterion the summaries would have to contemplate for election the intersetoriais politics and individuals with special necessities as subject in the period between 2007 and 2011. After established the inclusion criteria the research in the SCIELO was divided at three moments: first 1momento – it was become fullfilled searchs it of the summaries for the word-key; 2 moment – the research with the delimitation in the period between 2007 and 2011 was become fullfilled; 3 moment – those had been selected that contemplated the individuals with necessities special in the intersetoriais public politics.
The cooperation will be centered in the inquiry, the development, the society of the information, the environment, the prevention of the risks and the management integrated of gua' '. Inside of the estruturantes aspects of these three new orientaes, in the intervention principles, that are the complement of the actions in regional and local level. The intervention of the deep ones is inherent activity politics based on the priorities traced for the Community, being in charge of the Commission and of State-Member to assure them. The fixed estruturante Regulation a strategical boarding for the understood period enters 2007 the 2013. For the accomplishment in the practical one of the strategical boarding the operational programs of State-Member exist, each one with its proper peculiarities.
Also, the Financial management is estruturante part of the deep ones, therefore, it aims at to fiscalize the budgetary endowments of beneficiary State-Member. Finishing the aspects of structure of the deep ones it is distinguished that, for imposition of the European Commission, the deep ones inside possess of the respective budgetary endowment a destined percentage the assistance technique. 1.3.Candidaturas Any of State-Member of the European Union can in principle present candidacy so that Deep the specific one intervines? , however, it has a series of requirements and formalities, taxing imposed for the alluded candidacy. First, the participation in these Deep ones is of periodic matrix, that is, the programmarian, most current than we have is the understood period of programming enters 2007 the 2012. Regulation 1083/2006, foresees the applicable general disposals to the Deep ones, says that it is a to be followed ritual. For if dealing with Regulation, its content is tecnicista, its devices discourses of legislative form. As we said alhures, the Regulation in guideline traces common objectives to the Deep ones, then, since already in its Heading I, it approaches the general objectives and rules of intervention, treating to the scope of application and definition, having as object, the definitions, objectives and the missions of instrumental form.
With this the aging is conceived as integrant and basic part of the trajectory of life of each person. Of this phase they emerge characteristic proper, resultant of the experience that if fits while formador element of the personality of the aged one. The social paper exerted by the aged one is excellent in the determination of the aging, for the fact the same to be subject to the life way that the people have taken as well as the current conditions where if they find. The present patriarcal regimen in the majority of the societies until some decades, assigned in character of tradition the aged ones, the social function of heads of the familiar clans, withholding freedom for taking of decisions on the familiar life and its individuals, decisions of which the offspring, as well as its descendants accepted with respect.
Thus, all attitude that if applied as obedience absence, of care or disrespect stops with the ancios was characterized as worthless action leading to the proper rejection of the agent on the part of the society. (GAIARSA, 1996). The parents have the duty to attend, to create and to educate the lesser children, and the children biggest have the duty to help and to support the parents in the oldness, lack or disease. (art. 229, CF/88) the transformations of social scope as the acirramento for more possibilities in the work market contributed strong for the dissolution of these patriarcais mechanisms of familiar structure, attributing aged to a new paper, in the figure of the dependent adult of attention it specifies of health and social assistance with the purpose to mainly guarantee a life with more perspective for the propensity to the constant diseases acometem who it, as well as for abandonment situations the one that frequently are displayed, determining in greater or minor degree, the complexity of the relations of the individual with the society that the fence.
Robert Ramalho is Lawyer, Public Relations and Journalist. Email: Blog: democratic Experiences of regimes sufficiently had been limited lived for the Greeks with the Athenian democracy, and for the Romans at the time of the republic. However, the existing Athenian democracy in the old city-state of Atenas although to show considerable advances in relation to the current standards, it did not offer to conditions of equality and freedom for all. The women were inferior to the men, the slavery if constitua in one of them pillars of sustentation of the local economy, and had one strong division of different form of being able enter the Athenian citizens of the masculine seio. Exactly thus, Slon, Athenian governor, in the year of 594 A.C, established a series of reforms in the social, economic sectors and politicians, transforming innumerable citizens peasants into prosperous proprietors of its lands, making to participate them of the government through the division of public offices. It is exactly in this direction that the incipient Athenian democracy commits its bigger sin: to divide the power in terms of division of the wealth. During the validity of the Roman republican system, also same having and subsistindo one limited control of the people the governing of the time, we cannot consider the government form as a democracy. However, of any form the Republic Roman had its favor the fact to have established the legal equality between the free classrooms, and considered a new Senate as one of the basic institutions of the effective system, as well as the Popular Assemblies and the Magistracy, something unimaginable during the form of monarchic government.
In its workmanship Politics, Aristotle if worries about the happiness collective of the plis. In this manner, it is task of it, of the politics, to investigate and to discover which are the forms of government and the institutions capable to assure the collective happiness. It is treated, therefore, to investigate the constitution of the state. Plato, its workmanship Dialogues, in turn, believed that they existed the Prince
Canelas arrives Moscow in September of 1922 and perhaps it was better for the Brazilian Communists who it nor had fond. Its lack of knowledge on the politics of took it to the Party to commit a series of mistakes on some positions of the Communist of Brazil in the social matters and agrarian Party. Moreover in the debates on ' ' infiltrao' ' of not communist ideas in the Working-class movement, it always make a speeched against the orientation of the communist party of Soviet Unio (PCUS), that is, found natural this ' ' abertura' ' politics so recriminated by the direction of the International. Canelas uses the PC of Brazil as example of ' ' coexistncia' ' of you vary chains politics around a party. According to it, in Brazil the participation was natural of maons and of anarchists in the Communist Party? proper Bernardine Antonio Canelas when militated in the Brazilian Working-class movement in the years of 1916-18 if declared anarchist? that this situation did not have nothing of abnormal person. To close its participation in the International, Canelas concludes that not only the participation of maons was natural and anarchists in the communist movement, as well as the participation of catholics and Jews. The only difference in the militancy of these would be that, in the opinion of Canelas, them they could not reach responsibility positions politics.
The commission of the responsible International for a PC acceptance? s concludes saying that the PC of Brazil not yet was true Left a Communist one therefore suffered manicas and anarchic influences. The Communist Party of Brazil initially was only accepted as sympathetical member of the International. Only in 9 of December of 1924 when Rodolfo Ghioli, representative of the International, visits Brazil that the dumb situation. Ghioli observes that differences of the Communist Party of Brazil in relation to other PC? s, mainly in regards to the opening politics, was decurrent the situation of illegality and persecution of that the PC of Brazil was victim.
Walnut goes to affirm, that these two forms of participation, goes to be much more in tune with the proletariat and with the popular layers of what with the bourgeoisie. The author inserts them in a dimension daily pay? politics, but not irrelevant or inferior, therefore these would serve of mold for the associativismo? participativo model beyond horizontes corporative? that it would advance of meeting to the models inserted politicians-participativos in the State. The third type, would be the electoral participation, that if projects in the field politician. It is a participativo model, where the citizen supposedly would be not ripened, affirming not only in relation proper itself, but also in relation to all the collective. It weaves a critical one to this type of participation, for limiting the envolvement of the citizen, and for many times to cause frustrations that could result in despolitizao. the last great group, would be the participation politics, that would serve of complement, however surpassing in importance collective in such a way the electoral participation how much the corporative one. According to Walnut, For intermediary of the participation politics, individuals and groups they intervene to make with that differences and interests if explicitem in a common land organized by laws and institutions, as well as making with that the power if democratizes and either shared. this participation, in short, that it consolidates, protects and dinamiza the citizenship and all varied the right human beings.
Exactly therefore, its protagonists central offices are the citizens. (Walnut, 2004, P. 133) and under this perspective, we will make the boarding of the representation of the CMDCA while instance that if considers connector link between the State and the Society. 1. The 1 popular participation institutionalized through the Advice the explicit Federal Constitution the basic paper of the citizenship in the conduction of the State; the society is instigated to participate of the formularization of the public politics.
The present article has as objective to carry through a literature survey that approaches the question of the informal work in the economy. It is intended to point the concepts, characteristics and peculiarities of this modality of work according to different identified theoretical perspectives in pertinent literature. This quarrel if shows excellent, since the advance of the Neoliberalismo from the decade of 1980 provoked unfoldings on the world of the work, revealing between its some aspects, a trajectory of growth of the informality in the work relations. The work contemplates, beyond this introduction, one second session in which is analyzed the three main theoretical chains that approach the informality of the work relations, as well as the new expressions assumed for this phenomenon in the contemporaneidade. The text is locked up with the final consideraes regarding the considered subject.
For Cacciamali (1983), the existence of three theoretical chains can be indicated that deal with to the concept and the characteristics of the informal sector. In this direction, the current agreement of this thematic one was reached thanks to the conceptual evolution from the first studies during the decade of 1970. The first theoretical chain left of a study of the International Organization of Trabalho (OIT) on Job and Income in the Kenya in 1972, that in turn, consisted of an important landmark for theoretical delimitation, that is, definition of the nature of the informal sector and its relations with the set of the economy. (CACCIAMALI, 1983) This boarding uses the optics of the production to construct its categories. Being thus, it considers the informal sector with the following characteristics: i) activities with reduced capital level; II) complex and little intensive techniques of work; III) small number of workers (ones remunerated, other familiar ones); IV) its activities are not white of governmental politics; v) they possess difficulties for credit attainment; vi) acts in competitive markets.
The exportations of Bolivia for Brazil had reached US$ 333 millions and the main exported products had been the natural gas, raw oil, beanses and combustible oil. The importations proceeding from Brazil had added US$ 390 million and had been composed of manufactures of iron and steel, equipment and scheme, paper and cardboard, plastics, automobiles, foods and txteis, among others. The deceleration in the taxes of growth and the consequent increase in the unemployment, since year 2000, has pressured the fabric social, provoking politician-institucional instability and questioning of aspects of the model of market economy. For in such a way, it also contributes the relative success of the politics of eradication of the cocaine and its favorable impact in the informal economy. 2.1.1 geography of Bolivia Is considered that Bolivia is the heart of the South America, since the country is located almost in the center of the continent.
The west with Peru has border, to the north and the east with the Federative Republic of Brazil, to the south with Argentina, the Southeast with Paraguay and to southwest with Chile. Its official name is Republic of Bolivia and its independence was in 6 of August of 1825. With the surface of 1.098.581 km, the country is divided in 09 states, 112 provinces, 1,384 cities and 312 administrative regions. The Constitutional Capital is Sucre in the state of Chuquisaca and the Seat of government is the woollen city Peace, in the woollen state Peace. The main cities of Bolivia how much to the population and economic activity they are La Paz, High El, woollen Cochabamba and Santa Cruz Sierra. 2.1.2 organization politics and commercial agreements of Bolivia Bolivia has a unitary, democratic, multinational government and multilnge, consisting of three to be able independent: the Executive, the Legislative and the Judiciary Power. The Executive is composed for the President, the Vice-president and the Cabinet of Ministers.
The Social Movements and its Origins the category is ample and can congregate, depending on the criteria of analysis used, organizations directed toward the promotion of moral, ethical and legal interests. Although the social movements to be fruit of definitive historical and social contexts, two classic conceptual definitions can be found that they are: The first one of them is of control of historical action of Alain Touraine, that it prefers to study the new social movements, that, in the tripping of new paradigmas of the call globalization strengthen identities and intervene with agendas politics of the society, and resalta the movements feminists, racial, partner-ambient, sexual and for-religious that through them social minorities had become forces politics and object of social sciences and human beings. second of Manuel Castells, that resalta the social movements as practical contradictory systems social in accordance with agricultural the urban social order/, whose nature is to transform the structure of the system in which he is inserted, either through revolutionary actions or not, in a class representative correlation and last instance, the state power. We live in a country where it continues in vigor an official explanation that does not have the Brazilian people as subject of its construction. Although to have innumerable social groups Brazil continues to be understood by the logic of the conqueror. Etnocntricas and authoritarian conceptions find, for incredible that it can seem, points of contact with the thought of progressive intellectuals, and with this it appeared some chains in some areas of the thought, that had searched ' ' resgatar' ' the originary peoples. The meeting of the gold, metal, only happened in the end of century XVII, and for the sedentary ones still it took advantage to the form of traditional sobrevimento and the manual one. While the Spaniard had appealed the desorganizao of the economic activities, the Portuguese, without conditions to carry through an ownership accomplish, had walked gradually for the submission of native societies to its designs and with this caused the commerce of wood-Brazil, had searched to complement this fished activity with the convivncia with the agricultural system of small pepper productions, maize, cassava, fruits and of originria extration.
Already in the modern theory where Maquiavel if detaches, democracy is a republic form where the regimen of popular government is called republic and not democracy. The conception of democracy has left of the estimated one of the guarantee of basic rights as the rights of press, religion, thought freedom, of meeting, among others. Benjamin Constant, in the speech ' ' The compared freedom of the old ones with the one of modernos' ' , it emphasized that the freedom must be promoted and be developed through the body politician who if translates the assembly of the citizens. But, that a danger that is the freedom in fact, to the point of the citizen exists not to want more to participate of the power politician. Constant (C1985, p.6) says that ' ' The danger of the modern freedom is where, absorbed for the joy of private independence and in the search of particular interests, let us renounce our right too much easily to participate of the power poltico.' ' Thus being, the obligatoriness starts to be a resource for the functioning of the democracy. It can seem ambiguous, but the freedom necessary politics to be molded in way to become the participativa democracy, such needs to submit all the citizens to the examination of its interests for the power. The power that in the old one it formulates liberal emanates of the people for the people, can be understood in ironic way: the people as the set of the citizens of a country inside chooses some of of the nation assuming the power leading politician of the State, but to the representative installed being legally legal the elect one starts to have to be able it differentiates that it of chose that it, the majority of the people alone will take ownership of the again at any given time historical power.